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대만, 중국-인도네시아 해상 훈련에 대한 명확성 요구: 해양 안보와 지정학적 리스크 분석

Taiwan Wants to Know Why Indonesia Joined China in a Naval Exercise East of Taiwan - The Diplomat – Asia-Pacific Current Affairs Magazine

2026.08.15 00:07 번역됨
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지역 해군 훈련과 같은 지정학적 발전은 즉각적인 기업 재무에 영향을 미치지 않으므로 불확실성을 야기합니다.

핵심 요약

인도네시아와 중국의 해상 훈련이 대만의 배타적 경제 수역(EEZ)에서 이루어졌다는 점이 드러나면서, 대만은 해양 주권 및 지역 안정에 대한 외교적 명확성을 촉구하고 있습니다.

핵심요약

  • 인도네시아와 중국은 대만 동쪽 해역에서 합동 해상 훈련을 실시했습니다.
  • 훈련은 인도네시아 해군 순찰선 KRI I Gusti Ngurah Rai와 중국 해군 홍허함(Honghe)이 참여했습니다.
  • 지리정보 분석에 따르면, 해당 훈련은 대만의 배타적 경제 수역(EEZ) 내에서 진행된 것으로 확인되었습니다.
  • 양국은 훈련이 '지역 평화와 안정'을 위한 것이며 '해상 우호 관계'의 표현이라고 주장했습니다.

도입

본 기사는 인도네시아와 중국 간의 해상 훈련이 대만의 배타적 경제 수역(EEZ)에서 이루어졌다는 지리정보 분석을 바탕으로, 단순한 군사 훈련을 넘어선 지정학적 리스크와 해양 주권 문제를 심층적으로 다룹니다. 투자자 관점에서 이는 동아시아 해양 안보 환경의 변화와 국제법적 해석이 실제 국익에 미치는 영향을 분석하는 데 중요합니다.

본문 1: 해양 주권 및 국제법적 쟁점

인도네시아 해군이 훈련을 진행할 때, 인도네시아 선박이 대만의 EEZ에 먼저 진입한 후 중국 선박과 위치를 조정했다는 사실은 국제 해양법상 배타적 경제 수역(EEZ)의 경계와 주권에 대한 해석에 중요한 쟁점을 던집니다. 지리정보 회사인 ingeniSPACE와 Domino Theory의 보고서는 이 훈련이 대만의 EEZ 내에서 이루어졌음을 시사하며, 이는 해양 경계 설정 및 주권 문제에 대한 국제적 논의를 촉발합니다. 해상 훈련이 특정 국가의 EEZ 내에서 이루어졌을 때, 해당 국가의 해양 주권이 어떻게 침해되거나 존중되는지에 대한 국제법적 해석은 매우 복잡합니다. 특히, 인도네시아 측이 훈련을 '해상 우호 관계'로 포장했음에도 불구하고, 물리적인 훈련 공간이 대만의 EEZ에 위치했다는 사실은 단순한 상호 협력 차원을 넘어선 전략적 의미를 내포합니다. 이는 해양 경계의 정의와 실효적인 통제권 확보의 문제로 귀결됩니다.

본문 2: 강대국 경쟁과 지정학적 리스크

이러한 해상 훈련의 배경에는 단순히 해상 우호 관계를 넘어 중국과 인도네시아 간의 전략적 관계 변화와 더불어 미·중 간의 광범위한 강대국 경쟁 구도가 자리 잡고 있습니다. 중국이 해양 훈련을 '지역 평화와 안정'을 위한 것이라고 주장하는 것은, 실질적으로 동중국해와 남중국해를 포함하는 광역 해양 지역에서의 영향력 확대를 위한 전략적 움직임으로 해석될 수 있습니다. 인도네시아가 중국과의 관계를 다각화하며 전략적 균형을 추구하는 상황에서, 중국의 해양 활동은 역내 세력 균형에 영향을 미치며 잠재적인 긴장 요소를 증가시킵니다. 따라서 이 훈련은 지역 안보 환경의 변동성(volatility)을 높이는 요인으로 작용하며, 해양 안보를 둘러싼 국제적 협력과 갈등의 경계를 재정립해야 할 필요성을 강조합니다. 이는 해양 자원의 접근성, 항로의 안전성, 그리고 국제 해양법의 적용 범위에 대한 장기적인 논의가 필수적임을 의미합니다.

본문 3: 외교적 대응과 장기적 전망

이번 사건은 군사적 훈련의 외교적 프레이밍이 얼마나 중요한지를 보여줍니다. 양국이 훈련을 '비전투적'이고 '우호적'이라는 명분으로 포장했으나, 실제 훈련 장소가 대만의 EEZ 내에 위치했다는 점은 외교적 의도와 실제 행동 간의 괴리를 드러냅니다. 대만 측의 요구는 단순히 훈련의 장소를 넘어, 해양 주권에 대한 국제적 규범과 실효적인 통제권에 대한 명확한 합의를 촉구하는 것입니다. 향후 이러한 해양 활동에 대한 국제 사회의 감시와 법적 해석이 더욱 중요해질 것이며, 이는 동아시아 해양 안보의 새로운 규범을 형성하는 데 기여할 것입니다. 향후 지역 내에서 해양 경계와 주권에 대한 명확한 합의가 이루어질 때, 역내 국가들의 전략적 선택과 협력의 방향이 결정될 것으로 전망됩니다.

결론

결론적으로, 인도네시아와 중국의 합동 해상 훈련은 해양 우호 관계라는 외교적 명분 아래 진행되었으나, 대만의 EEZ라는 지리적 맥락에서 해양 주권과 국제법적 해석에 대한 중대한 의문을 남겼습니다. 이러한 사건은 단순한 군사적 행사를 넘어, 강대국 간의 해양 전략 경쟁이 심화되는 현 시대에 해양 안보와 국제법적 규범의 중요성을 재확인시켜 줍니다. 향후 동아시아 해양 지역의 안정성을 위해서는 해양 경계에 대한 명확한 합의와 상호 존중을 기반으로 한 외교적 접근이 필수적일 것입니다. 우리는 향후 해양 안보 환경의 변동성을 면밀히 관찰해야 할 것입니다.


원문 링크: https://news.google.com/rss/articles/CBMitgFBVV95cUxObG5qc0RQT25BVDJPVEJJTVpJX1RjeW5LUHFEWEFmTWxsc1d4OWlGWmtoSzN3WXZhc2JOR2dEVGtkeG1KQ1p2aHpKdGYzX3djN0RPNk4xYzBxa2tOWnJFSWJ1OFMwTGZjM01xaXBESDJHenN3UmNXb0ZHSjFLbFptMEkyeHJlR2FkY2xkQTJ4Nm5NNS1Nak8zR0tIVzhGVmpabUtra09rUnBJT2hEOEg3aHBqZkdSdw?oc=5

Original Article

Taiwan Wants to Know Why Indonesia Joined China in a Naval Exercise East of Taiwan - The Diplomat – Asia-Pacific Current Affairs Magazine

In a rare moment of diplomatic friction, Taiwan has called on the Indonesian government to clarify joint naval exercises with China that took place in waters east of Taiwan. The exercise took place on the morning of August 12, between 6:30 a.m. and 9:30 a.m. As part of the naval exercise, the Indonesian Navy frigate KRI I Gusti Ngurah Rai and the Chinese People’s Liberation Army Navy’s Honghe, a guided-missile frigate under the Eastern Theater Command, practiced maritime maneuvers. The drill included practicing formation, maritime communications, as well as replenishment-at-sea, and concluded with a divergence ceremony. For its part, the Indonesian government has denied that the exercise was threatening in any way. “The passing exercises are not war-fighting in nature, but rather a universal naval tradition conducted when passing through the waters of another country,” the Indonesian Navy said in a statement. It described passex activities in general – including, presumably, the one on August 12 – as “goodwill engagements that are commonly conducted by navies around the world as an expression of naval brotherhood and the maritime diplomacy associated with warships. Similarly, the Chinese government claimed that the exercises were in the interests of “jointly safeguarding regional peace and stability.” Certainly, the scale of the exercise is not to be overstated, as it only involved two vessels. At the same time, according to geointelligence firm ingeniSPACE in a report published by Domino Theory, the exercise took place in Taiwan’s exclusive economic zone (EEZ). The Indonesian vessel, which had its Automatic Identification System (AIS) on, first entered Taiwan’s EEZ before aligning with the Honghe, which did not have its AIS on – as is common for Chinese vessels operating in Taiwan’s EEZ. The Indonesian frigate later passed close to but did not enter Taiwan’s contiguous zone. Before its joint exercise with the Honghe, the I Gusti Ngurah Rai had participated in a bilateral exercise, the Orruda 2025, with the Russian navy in late July. After docking at Yokosuka Naval Base in Japan from August 1 to August 8, it later set out for the joint exercise with the PLAN. After that, the Indonesian vessel entered the Philippines’ EEZ and was expected to pass through Scarborough Shoal, a disputed reef claimed by both China and the Philippines. Some analysts have read the joint exercise as intended to hit out at increased maritime cooperation between the Philippines and Japan. The two countries held joint exercises with the United States at the end of July in the South China Sea. The drills took place not too long after a renewed round of confrontations between the Philippines and China around Scarborough Shoal, with Manila accusing China of firing water cannons at its vessels, while China hit out at the Philippines for what it claimed was an illegal blockade. The Philippines and Japan have increasingly set aside differences in the interests of maritime cooperation as of late. The two countries agreed in late May to delimit their overlapping EEZs and continental shelves in waters east of Taiwan. Such a move may have been aimed at strengthening Japan-Philippines cooperation in the event of a Taiwan contingency. However, this area also partially overlaps with Taiwan’s EEZ, so Taiwan responded by asserting its own sovereign claims. While Taiwanese political leaders have praised the talks, Taiwan may not want to be left out of talks in which it could be a stakeholder. China also objected to the Japan-Philippines talks on the grounds of its claim to control Taiwan – and thus Taiwan’s EEZ. Beijing demanded that Japan and the Philippines “immediately cease all illegal acts that undermine China's sovereign rights and interests” (referring to the maritime talks) and pledged to “to strengthen control and management over relevant waters.” China’s joint exercise with Indonesia thus highlighted that the waters east of Taiwan are increasingly a focal point of cross-strait tensions. In June, the China Coast Guard stated that it had stepped up patrols in waters east of Taiwan as a response to the talks between Japan and the Philippines, a move that drew concern from Britain, France, Germany and the United States. China claimed these patrols were in the interests of law enforcement. Amid Typhoon Dolphin earlier this month, China’s Guangdong Maritime Safety Administration stated that it would enforce traffic controls on vessels heading northbound in the Taiwan Strait. The Taiwanese government responded by criticizing China for seeking to use the typhoon to reinforce its claims over traffic in the Taiwan Strait. Taiwan responded by issuing maritime safety notices through coastal radio and maritime safety centers to reaffirm that the Taiwan Strait is international waters. As for Indonesia’s apparent alignment with China in its joint exercise, it is unclear if this reflects a change in policy under the presidency of Prabowo Subianto. In many ways, such alignment would be ironic. Prabowo, previously a former general in Suharto’s New Order regime known for a long-standing record of human rights abuses before his later political career, had been accused in the past of fanning up anti-Chinese sentiment in Indonesia. Consequently, some see him as culpable for the 1998 anti-Chinese race riots that left over 1,000 dead. Nevertheless, Prabowo visited China as president-elect. He may be aiming to shed his anti-Chinese image in order to attract economic investment and pacify wary Chinese Indonesian voters domestically. Either way, China is a major economic force in Indonesia, operating factories, mines, and funding Belt and Road Initiative infrastructure projects. Prabowo has claimed that he aims to maintain ties of friendship with China, Japan, and the United States alike. However, if he were to rebalance to alignment with China, in many ways Prabowo would be charting the path previously taken by the Philippines’ previous president, Rodrigo Duterte. Amid mounting international criticisms of his bloody war on drugs – for which he is now being prosecuted by the International Criminal Court – Duterte increasingly lashed out at the United States and sought to bring the Philippines’ foreign policy into alignment with China. Such moves were later reversed when Ferdinand Marcos Jr. succeeded Duterte as president. Marcos pushed the Philippines back toward closer ties with the United States, as well as Japan. Marcos has also signaled greater interest in ties with Taiwan, congratulating President Lai Ching-te on his election victory in 2024 with a tweet. The Philippines has also made it clear that it sees itself as a stakeholder – or at least implicated – in a potential Taiwan contingency because of the over 150,000 Filipinos residing in Taiwan, mostly blue-collar migrant workers. In April, former Philippine Army Vice Commander Leodevic B. Guinid made headlines by stating that interoperability between the Taiwanese and the Philippine militaries would be necessary for evacuations to occur in the event of war. Certainly, a Taiwan contingency could potentially be a major political crisis for any Philippine political leadership, not only because of the economic and geopolitical impact from a distance, but because of the fate of the Filipino population in Taiwan. Yet Indonesians are by far the largest Southeast Asian group in Taiwan and, in fact, the largest foreign nationality in Taiwan. It is believed that around 350,000 Indonesians reside in Taiwan, also mostly as blue-collar migrant workers. At the same time, there has not been much public discussion to date of what would happen to this group in the event of war in the Taiwan Strait.

Source: https://news.google.com/rss/articles/CBMitgFBVV95cUxObG5qc0RQT25BVDJPVEJJTVpJX1RjeW5LUHFEWEFmTWxsc1d4OWlGWmtoSzN3WXZhc2JOR2dEVGtkeG1KQ1p2aHpKdGYzX3djN0RPNk4xYzBxa2tOWnJFSWJ1OFMwTGZjM01xaXBESDJHenN3UmNXb0ZHSjFLbFptMEkyeHJlR2FkY2xkQTJ4Nm5NNS1Nak8zR0tIVzhGVmpabUtra09rUnBJT2hEOEg3aHBqZkdSdw?oc=5

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