핵심요약

• 이란 장례식에 약 1,500만 명이 참여할 것으로 추산됩니다.
• 알리 하메네이의 장례 행렬은 미국이 이란에 개입한 전쟁(Operation Epic Fury) 중에 발생했습니다.
• 1989년 호메이니의 장례식에 1,000만 명이 참여했으며, 이번 행렬은 그 기록을 넘어설 것으로 예상됩니다.
• 이 사건은 미국의 군사 행동이 이란 국민의 정서와 정치적 결속에 미치는 영향을 보여줍니다.

도입

본 기사는 이란에서 발생한 대규모 장례식과 추모 행렬을 통해 미국의 군사 개입이 이란 사회와 국민 정서에 미친 영향을 분석합니다. 이는 단순히 역사적 사건을 넘어, 지정학적 갈등이 실제 인적 비용과 사회적 결속에 어떻게 반영되는지를 투자 관점에서 이해하는 데 중요한 맥락을 제공합니다. 즉, 국제 분쟁이 지역 내 사회적 안정성과 장기적인 경제적 환경에 미치는 파급 효과를 측정하는 지표로 활용될 수 있습니다.

본문 1: 지정학적 갈등의 사회적 비용

이란의 장례식에 참여한 약 1,500만 명이라는 추산치는 미국의 군사 행동이 이란 국민에게 초래한 심리적, 사회적 비용을 수치화합니다. 이 수치는 군사적 충돌이 단순히 국경을 넘어, 국민의 삶과 정체성에 깊이 관여하는 민감한 이슈임을 의미합니다. 특히, 장례 행렬이 테헤란을 따라 12마일 이상을 이동하며 수백만 명의 인원이 참여했다는 사실은, 지정학적 갈등이 물리적 이동과 대규모 집회를 통해 사회 전체에 각인되었음을 보여줍니다. 이는 국제 분쟁의 결과가 현지 사회의 집단 기억과 정서에 얼마나 깊이 뿌리내리는지를 보여주는 중요한 지표입니다.

본문 2: 대외 제재와 에너지 시장의 연관성

이러한 대규모 사회적 움직임은 이란의 경제적 취약성과 대외 제재의 영향을 간접적으로 시사합니다. 미국의 군사 개입과 관련된 이러한 사회적 긴장은 이란의 에너지 정책 및 국제 제재의 지속 가능성에 대한 의문을 제기합니다. 이란이 대규모 내부 결속을 통해 외압에 맞서는 과정은, 국제 에너지 시장의 변동성과 향후 제재 완화 또는 강화 시나리오에 대한 투자자들의 분석에 영향을 미칩니다. 따라서 이러한 사회적 불안정성은 장기적인 에너지 공급망의 안정성에 잠재적인 위험 요소로 작용할 수 있습니다.

본문 3: 장기적 전망과 리스크 평가

장기적인 관점에서 볼 때, 이러한 대규모 집회는 이란 내부의 정치적 역동성이 외부 충격에 어떻게 반응하는지를 보여줍니다. 향후 이란의 정책 결정과 지역 내 안정성은 이러한 내부적 사회적 결속의 지속 여부에 달려 있습니다. 투자자들은 대규모 사회적 이벤트가 정치적 리더십의 안정성과 국제 관계의 변화에 미치는 영향을 지속적으로 모니터링해야 합니다. 특히, 지역 내 불안정성이 고조될 경우, 에너지 자원 및 관련 산업에 대한 투자 환경은 더욱 불확실해질 수 있습니다.

결론

결론적으로, 이란의 장례식은 국제 분쟁이 지역 사회에 미치는 비가시적인 비용을 명확히 보여줍니다. 이는 지정학적 리스크가 단순한 군사적 충돌을 넘어, 국민의 정서와 사회적 결속을 통해 현실화됨을 의미합니다. 향후 투자자들은 이러한 사회적, 지정학적 변수가 에너지 및 지역 경제의 장기적인 흐름에 미치는 영향을 면밀히 평가하며 포트폴리오를 관리해야 할 것입니다. 특히, 지역 내 사회적 안정성이 향후 경제적 기회와 위험을 판단하는 핵심 변수가 될 것입니다.

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원문 링크: https://news.google.com/rss/articles/CBMiqwFBVV95cUxPU2Z2V2tSV0tmVGxWODY4TkxuQ3ZMUlk3Tmo5cTloX0VmaFIwNnc2WFpFMUdUaTlBVE1jWFo1TVFhaDZKdDd3VnM0MlliS1lwTHpXRk5KTEd3RnlhdXI2YUZSNktqRGNOUTFmb1BuYmlwRWI0Q2JJdFhrTVREb0pabk9zOEVQUlNKOEJIR25TVkh1MmRRZDRrRGt0SE9ScjNsZnpGYkVwek5VQ1U?oc=5

Millions fill Tehran’s streets — Iran’s answer to Washington’s war - Struggle-La Lucha

The coffin moved slowly. It had to. The funeral procession for Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, set to cross central Tehran on July 6, was rerouted and shortened because the crowds were too dense for it to pass. Mourners arrived by car, motorcycle, bus and on foot from every province. Along the route, workers hung an effigy of Donald Trump from a crane.

Khamenei was assassinated on Feb. 28, 2026, in the opening minutes of the U.S. war on Iran, when Washington and its forward base in Tel Aviv launched what the Pentagon calls Operation Epic Fury. The strike also killed members of his family — among them his 14-month-old granddaughter, Zahra Mohammadi Golpaygani.

Iran’s Health Ministry estimates some 15 million people will take part in the funeral ceremonies, the Tasnim News Agency reported. The ceremonies began July 4 with the body lying in state at the Imam Khomeini Grand Mosalla and will conclude July 9 with burial at the Imam Reza shrine in Mashhad, after processions through Qom and Iraq’s Shiite holy cities.

Several million joined the July 6 procession alone, according to the IRNA news agency, along a route stretching some 12 miles through the capital. The 1989 funeral of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini drew an estimated 10 million people, IRNA has reported — a figure this week’s mourning stands to surpass, making it one of the largest funeral gatherings in recorded history.

The capitalist press has strained to explain the crowds away as state stagecraft. The workers and farmers filling Tehran’s avenues in July heat, misted with water hoses to keep from collapsing, tell a different story. They are mourning their dead. The United States gave them a great many dead to mourn.

Among the martyrs honored this week are the children of the Shajareh Tayyebeh girls’ elementary school in Minab, in Hormozgan province near the Strait of Hormuz. On the morning of Feb. 28 — a school day, during Ramadan — U.S. missiles struck the school roughly an hour into the first wave of attacks. Witnesses and Red Crescent medics describe a “double tap”: after the first strike, the principal moved surviving students into a prayer room and called parents to collect their children. Then that shelter was hit.

Iranian judicial and education authorities counted 168 dead — most of them schoolchildren, along with teachers and parents who had rushed to the school. Authorities published portraits of 119 murdered children.

The evidence of U.S. responsibility is overwhelming, and much of it comes from Washington itself. Footage from the scene, geolocated by Bellingcat and BBC Verify, shows a U.S. Navy Tomahawk cruise missile — a weapon Iran does not possess. Gen. Dan Caine, chair of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, briefed reporters in the war’s first week that U.S. forces held responsibility for strikes across southern Iran, where Minab sits. The Pentagon’s own investigators concluded in their preliminary inquiry that the United States carried out the strike.

Human Rights Watch’s analysis of satellite imagery found at least seven impact sites in the compound. The strikes were centered on buildings — including the school and a medical clinic, places no army can honestly call military targets.

A United Nations investigation opened March 17 continues, and UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk told the Human Rights Council on March 27 that there must be justice for the harm done. More than four months after the massacre, the Pentagon has released no findings, accepted no responsibility and published no list of the dead.

Trump’s account of the massacre has moved from denial to contempt. In early March, he told reporters that in his opinion Iran itself had fired the missile — a Tomahawk, a U.S. Navy weapon Iran does not possess. By June 17, asked at the G7 summit in France whether anyone would be held accountable, he had retreated to a shrug: “Mistakes are made; war is nasty.” He said nobody had done it on purpose and referred the question to War Secretary Pete Hegseth.

On March 3, thousands filled a public square in Minab for the mass funeral of the schoolchildren, as excavators cut more than a hundred graves at Hermud cemetery. One mother called the attack “a document of American crimes.”

That is the war the imperialist media asks Iranians to forget while Washington demands terms at the negotiating table.

Trump’s response to the largest funeral in modern history has been open contempt. Speaking at Mount Rushmore on July 3, he sneered that Iran was desperate to settle and that Washington had granted “a week off for a funeral, because we’re nice.” On July 6, as millions marched past the hanged effigy of him in Tehran, he declared in the Oval Office that the U.S. had militarily destroyed Iran.

The boast collides with reality in the Strait of Hormuz. In the early hours of July 7, Iranian anti-ship missiles struck tankers using the U.S.-backed transit route on the Omani side of the Strait of Hormuz, penetrating round-the-clock U.S. air cover that costs an estimated $1 million an hour to maintain. Iran can still close the Strait of Hormuz. Washington has not destroyed its military.

Meanwhile Israel’s war minister, Israel Katz, publicly threatened the new Supreme Leader, Mojtaba Khamenei, with assassination. The younger Khamenei, severely wounded in the Feb. 28 strike that killed his father, has not appeared in public. Tehran closed its airspace during the funeral against the threat of a U.S. attack on the mourners themselves.

The demand for justice and vengeance has filled the week, from the streets up. Mourners along the procession route carried red banners addressed to the “avengers of Khamenei,” a phrase reaching back to the seventh-century martyrdom of Imam Hussein at Karbala. “The killers of Khamenei must face punishment,” a 38-year-old mourner told AFP at the July 5 prayers. Iran’s army chief, Maj. Gen. Amir Hatami, pledged at the ceremonies that the nation “will never cease” in its pursuit of justice for the crime, Press TV reported. Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, Iran’s chief negotiator with Washington, saluted the millions in the streets as proof of an invincible nation.

The meaning is clear. Any Iranian leader who might have feared the domestic cost of prolonged confrontation with the United States has now stood before the largest mass mobilization in the country’s history — a public that has absorbed assassination, massacre and economic siege and answered by filling the streets to demand justice. That is a mandate to concede nothing. It is not a mandate from parliament alone, but from the streets. Every U.S. calculation that bombing would bring Iran to the table on its knees has been buried this week alongside the martyrs.

Indirect talks in Doha were paused for the funeral. The memorandum of understanding governing the partial reopening of the Strait of Hormuz expires Aug. 15. Washington entered this war promising a quick decapitation. It assassinated a head of state, bombed a girls’ school and killed thousands. Washington produced the opposite of what it wanted. Iran’s people buried their dead together and came out of the graveyards angrier than they went in.

This is the oldest lesson of the global class war. The Pentagon can murder a leader. It cannot murder a people. Every empire that has bombed a nation into mourning has discovered that mourning is where resistance is organized. Vietnam taught Washington this. Korea taught it before that. The peoples of West Asia have been teaching it again for two decades.

The millions in Tehran’s streets were not summoned by any decree. They were summoned by Tomahawk missiles, and they will be heard from.

Source: https://news.google.com/rss/articles/CBMiqwFBVV95cUxPU2Z2V2tSV0tmVGxWODY4TkxuQ3ZMUlk3Tmo5cTloX0VmaFIwNnc2WFpFMUdUaTlBVE1jWFo1TVFhaDZKdDd3VnM0MlliS1lwTHpXRk5KTEd3RnlhdXI2YUZSNktqRGNOUTFmb1BuYmlwRWI0Q2JJdFhrTVREb0pabk9zOEVQUlNKOEJIR25TVkh1MmRRZDRrRGt0SE9ScjNsZnpGYkVwek5VQ1U?oc=5